The events described in this report must be seen in historical context, particularly in the context of events in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, where the role of the Western media (especially the BBC) was not just reporting but also functioned as an important propaganda vehicle for US/NATO military activities.
The purpose was to justify illegal intervention in a country that was already being destabilized by external political and economic interests.
Part of the media industry's role has been to excuse or cover up the war crimes being committed by US/NATO forces, while at the same time drawing public attention to not only the real atrocities committed by Serbian forces, but also the false atrocities they have invented to justify extreme military intervention (including the bombing of civilian targets inside Serbia). This clearly needs to be seen with regard to current events in Syria.
The BBC takes action
The town of Vukovar fell to Serb forces in late November 1991, following prolonged and fierce fighting, widespread destruction, and heavy losses of life on both sides. Although a ceasefire had been declared (prior to the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces), the situation was fragile; the Serbs were intent on consolidating their military gains, and the Croats were equally determined to retake lost ground. Local violations of the ceasefire were frequent, despite the presence of UN observers.
In December 1991, a BBC documentary team traveled to the Slavonia region of eastern Croatia to film units of the 1st International Brigade (PIV) in action. The PIV had been formed in Zagreb to support Croatian forces at the start of the fighting using overseas volunteers. The BBC filmmakers were attached to a “sabotage and reconnaissance unit” based near the city of Osijek and operating under the command of 31-year-old Eduardo Rosa Flores.
Notably, the force's commander, Eduardo Rosa Flores, appears in the BBC film and says, “I was previously a journalist in Spain,” before adding, “After two weeks[in Croatia]I know which are the good and the bad.” Notably, the BBC film crew did not ask Rosa Flores to elaborate.
Eduardo Rosa Flores' Early Training
So, what do we know about the training Rosa Flores underwent to become a journalist?
In 1979, Eduardo Rosa Flores entered the Kossuth Lajos Military Academy in Budapest and received supplementary training at the Felix Dzerzhinsky Academy in Moscow, a specialized school for Soviet intelligence. After returning to Hungary, Rosa Flores joined the Hungarian intelligence service. In 1984, he began studying at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest. This study gave Rosa Flores the technical and linguistic skills that she would later use to her advantage as an international journalist and “correspondent” for the BBC. He then worked briefly for the Cuban news agency Prensa Latina and for an unnamed private publishing house, where he “learned the ropes of the trade.”
Eduardo Rosa Flores
In the summer of 1989, journalist Eduardo Rodzia-Flores interviewed András Süd, a well-known ethnic Hungarian activist and author, in the central Romanian town of Târgu Mures. It is now clear that András Süd had a major influence on Eduardo Rodzia-Flores' thinking, especially regarding his growing hatred of authoritarian governments and his support for people's right to self-determination. This was later reflected in Rodzia-Flores' support for minority communities, particularly Roman Catholics (Albania, Yugoslavia), Muslims (Yugoslavia), ethnic Hungarians (Romania), ethnic Palestinians (Israel), and ethnic Spaniards (Bolivia).
From the end of that year (1989) until August 1991, Eduardo Rosa Flores started working in the Spanish section of the BBC World Service, a job that included assignments in many countries, including Hungary, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Albania. And it was while working in Tirana (Albania) in 1990 that Rosa Flores first became friends with fellow journalist Julio Cesar Alonso.
After Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence in June 1991, Eduardo Roja Flores was reassigned to Zagreb (Croatia) in preparation for war with Serbia.
Christian Wurttemberg's fatal mistake
Journalist Julio César Alonso described his relationship with Roger Flores during his time in Osijek: “…I think I was the journalist closest to Eduardo Roger Flores and the International Brigades during the first nine months of the war[in Croatia]” and “…I had a very close relationship with Eduardo.”
Julio Cesar Alonso
For two weeks at the end of 1991, Julio Cesar Alonso assisted a BBC film crew who were documenting the military activities of the Rosa Flores unit.
Julio Cesar Alonso later revealed that one of the members of the “sabotage and reconnaissance unit” in Osijek, a Swiss national named Christian Württemberg, had confided in him that he was an undercover journalist working to uncover the true aims and sources of support (finances, logistics, weapons) of units such as the one operating in Osijek. Württemberg also informed Alonso that his work was complete (in just a few weeks) and that he would return to Switzerland to prepare his report.
However, the report was never made, and on January 6, 1992, Christian Wurttemberg was found dead, having been attacked with a blunt object and strangled. The question then becomes: what did Wurttemberg discover that warranted such a brutal murder?
Fortunately, we now have some answers: the majority of the logistics and weapons supplies to forces such as the Croatian International Brigade came from Latin America. For example, we know that:
In December 1991, 11 tons of weapons bound for Croatia were seized at the airport in Budapest (Hungary). The sender was the Chilean military company FAMAE. In 2006, evidence was collected that Pinochet himself had authorized arms sales to Croatia. Croats in Bolivia also organized the sending of weapons to Croatia through the Bolivian consulate in Hamburg.
The smuggling of arms from Bolivia to Croatia via Germany and Hungary (Budapest) is very significant for two reasons: first, such an arrangement was only possible with the knowledge (and probably support) of the US government, and second, the Hungarian government tried to thwart it: the US government was keen to (secretly) support the breakup of Yugoslavia, but the Hungarian government would have seen such a development in the Balkans as potentially disastrous.
Thus, there is evidence that Christian Wurttemberg confided to a member of the BBC film crew (in Osijek) that he was an undercover journalist investigating such matters. Shortly afterwards, he was murdered. For some unknown reason, the BBC documentary (broadcast some five months later, in May 1992) made no mention of the brutal murder of journalist Christian Wurttemberg.
The BBC documentary also makes no mention of the suspicious death on 17 January 1992 of photojournalist Paul Jenks, who had arrived in Osijek on 13 January to investigate the murder of Christian Württemberg just one week earlier.
The BBC appears to have said nothing about the deaths of the two journalists.
An investigation of television documentaries and newspaper reports containing allegations that Eduardo Rosa Flores was involved in the murders of journalists Christian Wurtenberg and Paul Jenks reveals that those allegations emanated from a single source: Rosa Flores' former close friend and fellow journalist Julio Cesar Alonso.
Total commitment to purpose
Evidence suggests that Eduardo Rodja-Flores' experiences during the Yugoslav Civil War (Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo – 1991-1999) prompted his increasingly radical hostility towards state authoritarianism and support for minority communities, which likely led him to embrace Islam (while retaining an attachment to Christian Catholicism) and to certain forms of anarchism (e.g. founding the Hungarian National Anarchist Party).
Clearly, such an extreme position will not endear Rosa Flores to those who support an increasingly powerful (and aggressively expansionist) neo-fascist European Union.
Up until his untimely death, Eduardo Rosa Flores was also a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause, particularly the Palestinian resistance in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the global “boycott Israel” movement. This would obviously have brought him a great deal of criticism, and it did.
The murder of Eduardo Rosa Flores
In July 2007, Eduardo Rosa Flores offered some personal thoughts on the causes of unrest in his homeland of Bolivia and the need to combat (in his own words) the “drug mafia and the Nazi-oriented neoliberal organizations supported by George Soros” that were rampant in the country.
This clearly refers to the so-called cocalero movement (an association or group of coca farmers that sought to advance the right to grow coca as a political issue), whose first notable manifestation was in Bolivia's Movement for Socialism under Evo Morales (MAS).
This is an unusual position for Rosa Flores to take, given that George Soros (a fellow Hungarian) has been involved in actual and attempted “regime change” in Europe and other parts of the world. This strongly suggests that Rosa Flores has concluded that George Soros (and the global Open Society Institutes that Soros founded) are engaged in massive deception.
Indeed, by this time suspicions were beginning to emerge that George Soros and his various international organizations and speculative finance companies were involved in the destabilization of fragile sovereign states and the subsequent “asset stripping” of them.
Eduardo Rosa Flores' fate was particularly brutal. On April 16, 2009, a group of five men were ambushed in a hotel room in the Bolivian city of Santa Cruz, reportedly in an attempt to thwart an assassination attempt on Bolivian President Evo Morales. Three of the group were killed and two were captured alive, including Eduardo Rosa Flores (who was apparently shot dead after his arrest).
Postmortem amnesia and postmortem disinformation
When the BBC reported on his death two days later, it made no mention that Eduardo Rosa Flores had previously worked for the BBC World Service – seen as highly unusual, as was the BBC's failure to report on the murders of journalists Christian Wurtenberg and Paul Jenks.
Christian Wurttemberg
The misinformation that existed before Rosa Flores' death has grown exponentially since her death (and after she was no longer able to refute it). Much of the misinformation (and slander) appears to have come from fellow journalists. And much of the misinformation is well-crafted.
